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The new constraints - *Pfoot and *Mfoot – penalize a nucleus of the specified sonority level for either being the peak (heading the foot) or in the margin (not 41 heading a foot). These constraints again follow the sonority scale in a fixed ranking and are illustrated below with the highest ranking version. (20) *PEAKfoot/[ë] (Kenstowicz 1994) The sound [ë] sound not be the head of a foot. Assign a * for each [ë] that heads a foot. (21) *MARGINfoot/[a] (Kenstowicz 1994)15 The sound [a] should head a foot.

In hysterokinetic nouns, the root is never stressed, and this is the only accent class in which the root is never stressed. As has been explained in this chapter and will be demonstrated more thoroughly in chapter 4, there is strong preference for root stress in PIE – underlying root accent is never deleted and ALIGNL dictates the root as the default position for stress. If hysterokinetic roots were accented, they should behave like acrostatic nouns; if they were unaccented, they should behave like proterokinetic or amphikinetic nouns (depending on the specification of the suffix).

As Revithiadou points out, the dominance of head-faith makes the same predictions as the dominance of root-faith when the root is the head of the word. However, this is not always the case, and she specifically cites derivational suffixes as having head properties (1999: 6), suggesting that derivational affix faith can dominate root faith. While this is not the case for PIE because roots actually do take priority over derivational affixes, Revithiadou’s work does motivate a distinction among root and derivational affix 50 faithfulness.

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